THE PARADOX OF PASSPORT PRIVILEGES AND INTRA-CONTINENTAL MOBILITY

The lack of free travel and excessive visa requirements significantly impacts African citizens in quite a number of ways. According to a study by Mau et al. (2015) on the Global Mobility Divide, they found out that African citizens had lost mobility rights as of 2010, as compared to 1969. Even short term visas and visa waiver policies don’t benefit everyone, with countries from Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) experiencing increased mobility while non-OECD countries lag behind. A quick glance at this list and you may immediately note there are no African states on this list. It is clear while many African states allow visa-free travel into their own countries, the privilege is not being reciprocated. By Joseph Kiarie

A few months ago, at an African CEO forum in Kigali, Rwanda, Aliko Dangote, notably Africa’s richest man, lamented how difficult it was for him to visit other African countries with his Nigerian passport due to the travel bureaucracies that come with intra-African travels. Aliko commented that he didn’t have time to repeatedly drop his passport at different embassies to obtain visas. By Joseph KiarieIronically, next to him sat Patrick Pouyanne, the CEO and chairman of Total Energies, who, with his French passport has visa-free access to more African countries that Nigerian-born Aliko.

This had me thinking, why is a European able to visit more African countries than an African can, and can it be changed? In this article, I delve into the factors that define a ‘strong’ passport, examine the challenges faced by African citizens with ‘weaker’ passports, and highlight the ongoing efforts to improve travel within our own continent.

What determines the strength of a passport?

The Henley Passport Index analyses the most powerful passports by tracking how many countries one can visit without a visa. The following list ranks the top 10 passports by visa-free access, indicating the number of countries their holders can visit without requiring a prior visa.

France, Germany, Italy, Japan, Singapore, Spain (194 destinations)
Finland, South Korea, Sweden (193 destinations)
Austria, Denmark, Ireland, Netherlands (192 destinations)
Belgium, Luxembourg, Norway, Portugal, United Kingdom (191 destinations)
Greece, Malta, Switzerland (190 destinations)
Australia, Czechia, New Zealand, Poland (189 destinations)
Canada, Hungary, United States (188 destinations)
Estonia, Lithuania (187 destinations)
Latvia, Slovakia, Slovenia (186 destinations)
Iceland (185 destinations)

A quick glance at this list and you may immediately note there are no African states on this list. It is clear while many African states allow visa-free travel into their own countries, the privilege is not being reciprocated.

Looking keenly at the statistics, there is a close link between economic power and mobility. The G7 nations—Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, the United Kingdom, and the United States—collectively account for 44% of global GDP. While G7 citizens enjoy unrestricted travel within the bloc, their passports offer visa-free access to 85% of the world. However, the G7’s openness to visitors is relatively limited, with only 39% of global citizens able to visit without a visa. In contrast, the African Union, representing 3% of global GDP, demonstrates a different dynamic. Although its citizens have less visa-free access overall (28%), the continent is more open to visitors, with 49% of global citizens eligible for visa-free travel to African nations.

Furthermore, in a cruel twist of fate, citizens from developing countries spend hefty sums in an effort to seek visas to travel to these wealthy developed countries. In fact, a dive into the Schengen visa statistics 2023 shows that Schengen generated 1,036,320 million euros from rejected visa applications of Kenyans alone.

What is the impact of this lack of free travel and excessive visas on African citizens?

The lack of free travel and excessive visa requirements significantly impacts African citizens in quite a number of ways. According to a study by Mau et al. (2015) on the Global Mobility Divide, they found out that African citizens had lost mobility rights as of 2010, as compared to 1969. Even short term visas and visa waiver policies don’t benefit everyone, with countries from Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) experiencing increased mobility while non-OECD countries lag behind.

On the economic aspect, visa fees and associated expenses can be prohibitively expensive for many Africans, limiting opportunities for business, education, and cultural exchange while the lengthy visa application processes can delay or prevent time-sensitive travel for business or personal emergencies. All these reasons combined result in difficulties in obtaining visas which often results in missed opportunities afforded to citizens from wealthier nations able to travel more freely. This additionally has a psychological impact on Africans, who grapple with the constant barrier to travel, which creates a sense of isolation and second-class global citizenship among Africans.

Do wealthy states deliberately limit travel from Africa?

Some scholars and policymakers have argued that wealthy states deliberately limit travel from Africa due to a complex interplay of factors, including misperceptions about migration, security concerns, and racial bias.

Hein de Haas (2008) challenges the “myth of invasion,” arguing that European countries have tightened visa policies based on exaggerated fears of mass African immigration. Economic protectionism also plays a role, with strict visa policies serving to protect domestic labor markets in wealthy countries (Czaika & Neumayer, 2017). Furthermore, Scheel (2017) found evidence of institutional racism in visa decision-making processes that disadvantage African applicants. These policies contribute to what Mau et al. (2015) term the “Global Mobility Divide,” creating and maintaining global inequalities in mobility. While these arguments persist in academic and policy discussions, they remain contentious, as official policies rarely explicitly acknowledge such motivations. The reality likely involves a complex interplay of these factors, along with bureaucratic inertia, reciprocity in international relations, and genuine (if sometimes misplaced) security concerns.

Regardless of the reasons, the real losers are African citizens.

Is the dream of achieving an integrated African market far-fetched?

Admittedly, as a continent, we have taken steps in trying to promote integration among different corners of the continent. With the advent of colonialism, there was the demarcation of territories and establishment of new boundaries, both physical and bureaucratic, and the progress that had been made in terms of integration among various communities in different parts of the continent was lost. Integration of the continent was required time and efforts across nations.

One of the most impactful efforts was made as the AfCFTA was launched on March 21, 2018, by 44 countries during the 10^th Extraordinary Summit of the African Union (AU) Assembly of Heads of State and Government in Kigali, Rwanda. By April 2024, 54 countries had signed the agreement, with 47 of them having ratified it. Phase 1 of the AfCFTA is currently being operationalised, including the adoption of Protocols on Trade in Goods, Trade in Services, and Dispute Settlement mechanisms, alongside the establishment of oversight committees and the adoption of a work program. Several Protocols under Phase 2—covering Investment, Intellectual Property Rights, Competition Policy, Women and Youth in Trade, and Digital Trade—have also been adopted. While trading under the AfCFTA formally began on January 1, 2021, actual trade under the agreement’s terms started in October 2022 through the Guided Trade Initiative.

While the AfCFTA primarily focuses on trade, its implementation could have significant implications for intra-African mobility and passport strength. As economic integration deepens, there’s potential for streamlined travel policies among member states. This could lead to increased visa-free travel arrangements between African countries, potentially boosting the strength of African passports in the long term. The Africa Visa Openness Index (AVOI), an initiative of the African Development Bank (AfDB) and the African Union Commission (AUC), provides some indicators of the impact on travel. While not directly tied to the AfCFTA, it shows a trend towards increased visa openness in recent years, which could be further accelerated by AfCFTA implementation. However, progress in this area may be gradual and dependent on successful economic integration and political will.

Admittedly, establishing a continent-wide free trade area is a complex task and we must approach this goal by focusing our efforts on getting the eight RECs recognised by the AU to work. Being an East African, I can’t help but get more curious about the impact the AfCFTA will have on the region, one of Africa’s oldest RECs. According to the East African Community Regional Strategy On The Implementation Of The African Continental Free Trade Area Agreement: 2024-2034 adopted by the Sectoral Council on Trade, Industry, Finance and Investment (SCTIFI) on 9^th February 2024, there is an acknowledgement that in the short run, the AfCFTA may lead to the region suffering losses, but in the long run it will be beneficial. Increased market access, diversification of economies, and sustained economic growth are anticipated benefits. However, potential challenges include loss of import tariff revenue, heightened competition from established economies within Africa, and resource constraints for implementing the AfCFTA.

For East African passports specifically, the AfCFTA’s impact could be substantial. As the EAC is already one of Africa’s most integrated regions, successful implementation of the AfCFTA could further enhance the mobility of East African citizens. This could manifest as increased visa-free access to other African countries, potentially improving the global ranking of East African passports. However, this progress will likely depend on how effectively the region navigates the initial challenges of AfCFTA implementation and leverages its anticipated long-term benefits.

Passports and Priorities

Visa-free travel should be a priority when developing trade relations within Africa because it is fundamental to realising the full potential of economic integration. The journey from ancient trade routes to modern passport restrictions reflects a regrettable regression in African mobility. The paradox highlighted at the beginning of this article – where a European business leader has easier access to African countries than an African entrepreneur – calls for a paradigm shift in our travel architecture. Visa-free travel would facilitate the free movement of goods, services, and people, which is essential for the success of initiatives like the AfCFTA. It would reduce transaction costs, encourage cross-border investments, and foster the exchange of ideas and expertise. Moreover, it would strengthen African unity and competitiveness on the global stage. If we prioritise visa-free travel alongside trade agreements, African nations can create a more interconnected, prosperous continent where an African passport opens doors rather than closes them.